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This is linked to changes in the practical concept of man, which allowed Greeks and barbari- ans to be seen as equal by nature but different by law. So, the exponents of human beings do not present any biological difference.
The similarity of Greeks and barbarians lewkowicz pensar sin estado to- gether with the development of slavery by law of those who do not deserve it by nature.
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This slavery arises from the imposition of the strongest over those who considered themselves equals up to war; so the former dominated and coerced the latter through slavery by law. Among these fields of wisdom we should place his widely known analysis of slavery, which the philosopher develops in the context of Book I of his Politics 2.
Lewkowicz pensar sin estado all this into account, the philosopher should be able to give us a precise framework for such a concept. Approaches to the economics of ancient Greece, Londonlewkowicz pensar sin estado. On this subject see V.
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And perhaps it is useless to do so since the Aristotelian examination of slavery would rest on the notion of slave by nature, even though this judgment presents several and distinct inconveniences 3. Consequently, in order to obtain a more detailed idea of this question, it is necessary to understand what subject Aristotle presents for discussion when he introduces the significant distinction between slavery by lewkowicz pensar sin estado and slavery by law in the Politics a 4: Such a conception is apparently a concession the philosopher makes to those who support a standpoint opposed to the existence of individuals naturally inclined to be slaves 5.
According to Aristotle, this contrasting view maintains that mastery to despozein is unnatural, since it is by convention that people who are not different by nature are transformed into slaves and lewkowicz pensar sin estado men respec- tively; moreover it is unjust lewkowicz pensar sin estado it is the result of violence b As we shall see, the philosopher is doubtful about the use of violence, except when it is inflicted by good people.
Nonetheless, Aristotle admits the possibility of slaves by law arising from historical circumstances produced by the incidents of wars.
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The firmness of the definition of slavery by nature is thus made relative while alternative ways of slavery are included by Aristotle in the core of his philosophical explanation. All this leads us into a more practical and so less theoretical framework 6.
Lewkowicz pensar sin estado this point, it is plausible to think that Aristotle is not just reporting an intellectual de- bate but also a certain aversion to lewkowicz pensar sin estado possibility that those who should naturally rule could be transformed into slaves a Politics, translated by H.
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Histories, ideologies, structures, Cambridge-Mass. For Aristotle, the probability of acting unfairly through the use of violence is simply a consequence of war itself.
Aristotle, Slavery, and Humanity in Classical Greece | Julian Gallego -
From this angle, it is essential to consider how to make the virtuous man the one who exercises force. Aristotle desires the winner of a war to be the one who is lewkowicz pensar sin estado the master, and the defeated the one who is the slave by nature.
Here, there would be a rationalised fear of a sort of slavery, which at the same time would imply a rationalised fear of the loss of the classical Greek condition of humanity defined in political terms: In this case, we are dealing with a certain fear of slavery which projects to the speculative domain.
But this projec- tion is derived from the practical and unwanted effects of war, namely the exten- sion of slavery over those who in theory should not be slaves but free men. On the other hand, this kind of fear obliquely alluded to by Aristotle in the Politics can do nothing to restore the supposedly harmonious situation, the shared inter- ests and the lewkowicz pensar sin estado friendship which would characterise the bonds between masters and slaves, where lewkowicz pensar sin estado natural conditions prevail b 8.